ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT:
FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS

Q) What does the phrase alternative development mean?

A) The phrase alternative development is a process to prevent and eliminate the illicit cultivation of plants containing narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances through specifically designed rural development measures in the context of sustained national economic growth and sustainable development efforts in countries taking action against drugs, recognizing the particular socio-cultural characteristics of the target communities and groups, within the framework of a comprehensive and permanent solution to the problem of illicit drugs.

Q) Why is alternative development important in terms of drug reduction?

A) The basic notion of the cultivation of coca enters a cycle that leads to illicit processing, illegal commercialization, money laundering, weapon trafficking and terrorism, trafficking of people, and eventually, to predatory crime. When alternative development is implemented, either through prevention or substitution, the eventual result is the decrease of coca fields that signifies a corresponding decrease in cocaine production. In effect, the cycle is broken due to the effective results of alternative development.

Q) Which countries does alternative development focus on helping?

A) The alternative development unit of CICAD/OAS focuses on helping those countries that grow large amounts of coca in Latin America, such as: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and countries in the Caribbean.

Q) Does alternative development really have a strong effect on the reduction of coca fields?

A) The first alternative development projects were implemented in the early 1980s. Almost twenty years later, the results of the projects have been extremely effective in eradicating coca fields and actively maintaining the purposes and goals of alternative development. In 1988, Peru was the world’s largest producer of coca leaf with 110,400 hectares, followed by Bolivia and Colombia with 48,900 and 34,000 hectares, respectively. As a result of intense alternative development projects in Bolivia and Peru, their coca crops decreased to 14,600 and 34,200, respectively, in the year 2000. However, because of the coca decrease in these two countries, there was an increase of up to 163,289 hectares in Colombia. So in effect, the reductions achieved in Bolivia and Peru were neutralized with the growth of cultivation in Colombia. Overall results register a significant decrease in all three countries, however, it is Bolivia that shows the most substantial decrease in coca production.

 Q) Why do farmers grow illicit crops (coca fields) opposed to licit crops (agriculture)?

A) Farmers that are involved in the cultivation of illicit crops live in the most rural areas of Latin America. In most cases, these rural communities are the poorest in the country and lack even the most basic infrastructure. When these rural farmers choose to grow coca instead of other licit crops, it is usually due to a lack of alternatives. They can make more money growing illicit crops than with licit crops. Coca cultivation is simple, it is a sure source for regular income, it is sold inside the farm, it does not have a limitation of market demand and it had a growing demand for illicit ends. However, this makes them dependent on those involved with prohibited drug production. This places these rural farmers in an illegal industry in which they are under the threat of forced eradication of their illicit crop by the government.

 Q) How much land is used to grow coca?

 A) In the Andean countries, about 183,000 hectares of coca fields exist. Countries such as Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru account for more than 98 percent of the world supply.

 Q) How does the cultivation of coca affect the community, region and country?

A) Using the country of Bolivia as an example:

Some communities or colonies in the country were established for the exclusive purpose of cultivating coca for cocaine. The communities were organized into unions, which then formed centralized groups that where constituted federations, in which the defense of the production of coca was made the highest priority of all these organizational levels.

The cultivation of coca in Bolivia became so serious that some regions became sovereign, in which the presence of the State no longer existed. Drug trafficking determined the laws for the region and succeeded in constituting a State within the State. Under these circumstances, the corruption tied to drug trafficking, succeeded in deeply undermining the economic, political and social structure of Bolivia.

The Bolivian people and their government believed that the production of coca in their country was leading to the decay of their dignity. They felt that they were being portrayed as delinquents in the world. The production of illicit coca and cocaine not only modified the values and behavior of a substantial segment in Bolivian society, but also transformed them into an outcast country in the context of international respect.

The pressure from the international community, which was universally interested in the elimination of drug-trafficking, created an unsustainable situation for the government in terms of access to international cooperation and the search for financial markets to support public and private investment.

Q) What are some of the projects that alternative development has done to reduce coca production?

A) There are two ways to the reduction of coca: prevention and substitution. Most alternative development projects revolve around alternative crop cultivation of organic crops, such as, banana or cacao. CICAD/OAS develops and helps funds projects that help rural farmers. Projects are developed to increase fruit production, improve natural resources management, increase community support, provide potable water, micro irrigation, and in health and education to reduce population migration toward coca producing zones. For more specific information about CICAD/OAS projects, refer to the project page on the website.

Q) How successful have these projects been in terms of reducing coca and as an alternative for the farmers to growing illicit crops?

A) Using Bolivia as an example:

By mid-2002, the economic impact of alternative development in Bolivia was growing and increasingly self-sustaining as its investments began to achieve a certain critical mass. For the first time since 1998, the family income generated by licit products of the farmers began to surpass the income from the production of illicit coca.

In 1986, there was about 40,000 hectares of licit crops in a province called Chapare; by 2001, over 120,727 hectares were being cultivated, which is a growth rate of more than 5 thousand hectares per year. The activity of cattle raising has also increased the number of livestock to more than 51,000 head in the region in 2002. The industry of forestry production in the area has also expanded to create more jobs and income for Bolivians.

There are also some alternative development projects that are helping these rural farmers register land, so that they have the property rights to the land they are working on. The project, Land Registry and Rural Property Organization is working to register approximately 560,000 hectares in Bolivia.

Q) What are the areas and communities like where coca is cultivated?

A) The areas and communities where coca is cultivated are most likely the most rural and poorest areas of the country. These areas do not have proper infrastructure concerning the most basic needs of paved roads, potable water, and electricity. The families who live in these communities live below the poverty level and receive on average 50% of their income from drug-crop cultivation. They have under-developed education and health systems and are often forgotten by their government. Therefore, they are extremely susceptible to growing coca crops for it is their only option for generating steady income.

Q) How are alternative development projects funded?

A) The majority of the funding comes from public investment from international organizations like USAID, CICAD/OAS, UNDCP. Funding also may come from other external donors such as the European Union and other foreign governments. The government of the recipient country also contributes to the funding as much as possible.

 Q) How enthusiastic are farmers to grow licit crops opposed to illicit crops?

A) More and more rural farmers would rather grow licit, rather than illicit crops, due to fear of eradication off their farms by the government. When these farmers are given choices, support, and infrastructure, the farmers will take the opportunity to make income with licit crops. Although, growing coca is a short-term answer to desperate situations, it will only create trouble for the farmer in the future. Therefore, given the opportunity, these rural farmers would favor growing licit crops opposed to illicit crops.

Q) How is the economy of the country where alternative development projects are taking place affected?

A) The number of licit employment jobs has increased by an average of 4000 jobs per year between 1993 and 2000. In year 2000, almost 63,000 alternative development jobs were created as a result of the projects. GNP generated by the economy of alternative development between 1993 and 2000 reveals a sustained annual average growth rate of 18% of which the agricultural sub-sector generates more than 80% of this value.

The income generated by alternative development cannot be subjected to comparison due to the significant difference of their legal status. However, income generated from the alternative development projects is thoroughly positive. For example, annual income derived from these programs and projects per family unit was of US$1636 in 1995 and US$2370 in 2000, with an income increase of more than $600 per family. One more important achievement of the alternative development projects is the considerable increase in foreign direct investment. By 2001, private investment was around US$54,000,000.